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An O'Grady Path into New Zealand History
by P. Danenberg, M. Murtagh & R. Murtagh

Appendix: O'Grady History prior to 1800

Because Irish history is not commonly taught in New Zealand or Australian schools, most of the writers' relatives in those two countries would be quite unaware of the rich and often tragic history that Ireland has endured. While some, nowadays, will have seen TV documentaries on the Celtic origins and antiquities to be found there, and others will know a little about the religious divisions between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, they will not know much else about the many strands of history that the centuries have woven into the Irish tapestry. In that the O'Grady name has been prominent in parts of that tapestry, it seems helpful to append a short narrative on the history of the O'Gradys around Co. Clare to our speculata on Thomas O'Grady.

Most of this version of history has been taken from the variety of articles stored on the Clare County Library website, for which grateful acknowledgement is given. Because there is so much and varied information on that site, the problem has been to procure a short and readable account which is relevant to the personal history of our O'Grady family in Clare. But it is hoped that the ensuing paragraphs give some understanding of the circumstances which led to the lives that our O'Gradys lived. The key revelation for we Kiwis is that Irish history isn't just 250 years old like our recorded history is, but goes back easily to the 1200's AD or even beyond to the years before Kupe and his Maori adventurers arrived in NZ, from which days we have only fables to tell us what happened.

In order to help our aim, we've hired a timeship which will allow us to move easily between the centuries and the counties, giving us both aerial and ground-level views of the events involved in this Irish history.

Circa 1810
It can be argued that the highest point for our branch of the O'Grady family in Clare occurred in the 50-year period between 1780 and 1830. So it is appropriate to hover in this zone for a little. It's then over 100 years since bitter religious fighting stopped in Co. Clare, and 80 years since the Courts stopped trying to disentangle who owned which estates in the former battle zones. So peace and some prosperity are reappearing on the ground. In the parish of Tulla, we have Thomas O'Grady of Cooga marrying into the prominent Mahony family centred around the estates of Kiltannon and Cragg, and taking over Newgrove Cottage as part of his marriage settlement. Wealth and children are to follow, of whom his dau Ann was to marry into the Burke family in 1812, and thus into the Browne circle a little later when her husband Thomas Burke took up the Browne crest to become the Burke-Browne family. Thomas's O'Grady's lifestyle as Squire of a large estate on the outskirts of Tulla must have been most pleasant.

In parallel with this, his younger brother, Daniel, married into the eminent Finucane family around 1785 with his wife, Bridget coming from the Tonlagee estates in Kildysart. She was a distant niece to The Rt Hon Judge Mathias Finucane who became a judge at the Court of Common Appeals in 1794. The relationships are shown in the Finucane pedigree chart below A1 which starts around 1525. A number of prominent family names may be noted in this chart apart from Judge Mathias Finucane, with at least three marriages into the O'Brien family which contained the Lords of Inchiquin and of Thomond - Judge Mathias married one, and one of his grand-daughters, Louisa, became the second wife of the 13th Lord Inchiquin. One of Louisa's older sisters married another O'Grady who became an Admiral in the Royal Navy, while a younger sister, Alicia, became the actual owner of the land in Kildysart that was to figure significantly in the logic around the Walshes of Clondagad, some years later.

Even closer to home, Daniel's youngest dau Frances was to marry Thomas Ross-Lewin of the large Kildysart estate of Fort Fergus in 1830. We think that the reason we've been able to ascertain much of the detail in Daniel's part of the O'Keefe-Blake pedigree was that Daniel's was seen to head a prominent family in the Kildysart area, and so his family's records helped to sell newspapers. With his large estates of about 420 acres in total, he would have died as a wealthy man in 1829. He'd certainly constructed a large family crypt just alongside the Kildysart parish church in 1814, with an elaborate O'Grady crest inscribed onto its top stone.

We also suspect that these two brothers are related to the branch that became the Knight Guillamore strand. It's clear from actual records in NZ that Guillamore 6 spent some time at Leithfield in Canterbury, NZ with our Thomas O'Grady, and it also seems clear that the Cooga lands grant made to Thomas Grady in 1712 has ended up in Squire Daniel's estates. So in this period, our branch was moving in the higher circles of Clare society, and had large estates, and contained quite wealthy people.

Click on image for larger version.

1543 & Henry the Eighth
As our timeship zooms into Eastern Clare further back in time to around 1543, we can land in the townland of Tuamgraney on the westernmost shores of beautiful Lough Derg. The lands around here used to be the traditional home of the O'Gradys, but further back in the early 1300s they were attacked and badly defeated by a branch of the O'Brien clan. The remnants fled in haste into Co. Limerick but were fortunate in being able to arrange a marriage between the then leader, Hugh O'Grady, to a daughter of the O'Kerwick clan, by which they became entitled to large tracts of land around Kilballyowen. The principal members of the clan have lived in that region ever since. But as we land in Tuamgraney in 1543, we find that King Henry the Eighth of England has negotiated a peace with some of the powerful and dominant clans in Clare, including our O'Gradys, with benefits to both sides. On the one hand, Henry doesn't have to pursue war with those Irish leaders in order to promote his territorial aims, and those Irish leaders agree to pay appropriate taxes to the English Crown, and generally to adopt English systems including law, and the Anglican religion. In return, Henry agrees to protect those leaders and their lands from marauding raids by other Irish chieftains, and to grant them patent rights to their new titles as knights of his crown,A2. The O'Grady chieftain becomes Sir Donagh O'Grady and becomes entitled to his original lands around Tuamgraney, presumably with appropriate approvals from the O'Briens who'd been occupying it for the previous 200-odd years.

In hindsight, this move into the Anglican realm can be seen either as just a 'lucky break' or more likely a shrewd evaluation of the likely future history of Ireland. It led to the subsequent record that:

"Unlike so many others of the native aristocracy, the O'Gradys sided with the English in the sixteenth century, and intermarried with a number of powerful English families, thus retaining their influence and possessions through all the vicissitudes of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries."A3

But to understand this statement and its importance in the survival of the O'Grady name, (and especially to our own branch of it), it's necessary to view through the portal of our timeship the broad movement of the next 150 years of Irish history, particularly that of Co. Clare.

As part of his logic, Sir Dennis no doubt recognised the potential benefits to the Irish people arising from strong trading ties with a powerful neighbour, and the chance to modernize the antiquated feudal system of land ownership. James Frost, a nineteenth century historian was to write of this rather harshly as:A4

"Of all the political institutions ever devised by human ingenuity the system of clanship, as it prevailed in Ireland, was the best contrived for retarding the progress of civilisation and preventing the material prosperity of a people. The perpetually recurring practice of the different septs, invading the territories of their neighbours, on the slightest provocation, and often without any reason at all, acted as an effectual bar to the advancement of the inhabitants in worldly well-being. No man would build a substantial house when he knew, that at any day, it might be burned to the ground. No man would sow more corn than would suffice for his indispensable wants when he knew, that at any time, it might be trampled on, burned, and destroyed. War was the occupation of the people; the maintenance of a crowd of idle retainers, the business of the chiefs. Steady industry or trade was never thought of; nothing was considered but the indulgence of empty pride and insolent bullying. Their jealousies prevented the native rulers from combining to expel the English."

And while a few of the other significant clan leaders joined the O'Gradys at that time, notably the important Murrogh O'Brien, who, in his capacity of Tanist, had succeeded to the chieftainship on the death of his brother Conor O'Brien, and Sheeda MacNamara, the Lord of Clanculein, it took the English authorities a further 42 years before all of the other major chiefs of Thomond acceded to the English system.A5

It could be said that the history of Ireland in general and of Clare in particular was forever changed from that time, but the dreadful pain associated with such changes could not have been anticipated. James FrostA6 clearly shows the pain and its causes. In the 56 years between 1585 (when the Thomond Grants were sealed with the English Crown) until 1641, skirmishes broke out frequently between different parties in Clare. Skirmishes between different clans still continued, but now with not only territory as a cause but also religion. With changes made in Ireland to comply with the English inheritance process, which aimed to retain large estates for their better efficiency as against the continual splitting up of Irish estates, junior sons found themselves disinherited and without land. English immigrants who'd been encouraged by the new Irish knights to settle on their lands as a start to their anglification process were resented and often attacked by local Irish natives. The growing frustration with the heavy-handed English administrators saw the English Crown grab the lands of any of the earlier knights who showed any antagonism towards the English. There was even a blatant attempt to takeover all of the Irish lands of all of the knights involved once they'd died, because of their failure to follow the full complicated process of English Patent Law - but they didn't pursue that attempt. Matters moved to a head in 1641!

Towards the end of 1641, the raids on English settlers' farming stock increased dramatically, and many people were killed. The Earl of Thomond attempted to intervene and calm things down but the senior catholic landowners conspired to try to throw out all of the English settlers. Catholic armies were formed and marched on the primary targets of English-held castles, seeking to obtain provisions and firearms with which to pursue their aims. The whole of County Clare became a war-zone, wherein the much better organized Cromwellian forces gained a terrible reputation.A7

Cromwell's generals were not content with slaughtering the people. They seized upon hundreds, and putting them on board ships waiting at Cork to receive them, transported them to Barbadoes. In an account of Clare, written by Hugh Bridgall in 1680, he says "that the county being populous enough before the rebellion, in 1651, 52, and 53, it was so afflicted with sword, famine, pestilence, and banishment of the natives as scarce left any inhabitants therein, but now it beginneth again to be stored with people. . . . We here give instances of the merciless harshness of Ingoldsby and other officers of Cromwell's army in their treatment of the unfortunate natives of this county. His soldiers are stated to have murdered one hundred of the Irish in the baronies of Tulla and Bunratty, although they were under protection; and two of his officers namely, Captains Stace and Apers put to death five hundred families in the baronies of Islands, Ibrickan, Clonderalaw and Moyarta, notwithstanding that they also had received protection."

However, it was not until 1651 that the superior Commonwealth forces under Ireton and then Ludlow finally broke the rebel catholic forces. Some of their major victories (at Limerick and Clare Castles) perhaps resulted from their strategy of calling on the opposition to surrender and allowing most of those rebels who did so to depart for their homes. And within a short time after that, the catholic rebellion collapsed, so that by 1653 the English could consider an Act of Settlement under which Ireland could be re-populated. By that time, however, the living conditions in Clare were very bad.A8

A contemporary account of its condition in 1653 is here given: They found the country a waste. In the summer of this year, the famine was so sore that the natives had eaten up all the horses they could get, and were feeding upon one another, the living eating the dead. The county of Clare was totally ruined, and almost destitute of inhabitants. Out of nine baronies, comprising 1,300 townlands, not above forty townlands at the most, lying in the barony of Bunratty, were inhabited in the month of June, 1653, except some few persons living for safety in garrisons. Scarce a place to shelter in.

With the back of the catholic resistance broken, but with most of Ireland in a poor state, especially Clare, the British Government took steps to get their style of civilisation going again in Ireland. They passed an Act of Settlement in which they gave tracts of land either to English soldiers who'd fought in Ireland, or to the English financiers of those wars that had taken place, but such immigration was not allowed into the counties of Clare or Connaught. In the main, the land that was granted to such immigrants was either confiscated from catholics who'd taken arms against the English or else it was just taken from ordinary catholic families, and to recompense those latter families for this loss, they were then granted some smaller quantity of land in Clare or in Connaught which they were forced under penalty of death to move to. In turn, the land to which these "transplanted" families were sent, was land that had belonged to rebel catholic families and which had been confiscated either during the wars or afterwards. In an attempt to dispense rough justice to all such affected people, Courts were established to hear claims from all "innocent papists" in these moves, i.e. the families that had not taken up arms against the English, but who had suffered loss as a consequence of all of the moves. The difficulties that the Transplanted families suffered when moving into the derelict areas of Clare and Connaught can only be imagined. As Frost writes in adding to the above accounts of Clare at that time:A9

In the interval between the time of the partition of the lands of the county under Cromwell's settlement, and the arrival of King James II. in Ireland, the materials remaining for giving a history of Clare are scanty. Its inhabitants, for the greater part, had been either slain or driven into exile; its priests proscribed and forced to flee into mountains and woods for the performance of the divine offices; its pastures were denuded of cattle; and poverty and sorrow reigned throughout the land. After the taking of Limerick by Ireton's lieutenants, an administrative body, consisting of three persons was formed there, whose principal duties appear to have been the levying and collection of a poll tax, or subsidy, on the neighbouring counties, and the settlement of differences relating to the supply of food and forage to the several garrisons scattered over the district.

With the end of the Reformation in England and the eventual accession of Charles 2nd, the higher catholic families in Ireland took hope that their lands that had been taken from them might be returned to them. However, it was only when catholic James 2nd took the throne in 1685 that any real action started to happen. However, James was supplanted in 1688 by William of Orange, and after fleeing to France, he returned to Ireland to try to regain his throne. Following a series of failed battles, James then returned to the continent to leave his Irish catholic supporters at the mercy of the English, as described by Brian O'Dalaigh,A10

“. . . the fate of the Jacobite land holders of Co. Clare was fairly predictable. Any land owner who had supported James II was attained for high treason and lost his estates. Lord Clare for example one of the biggest land owners in Co. Clare lost all his property, over 80,000 statute acres. King William of Orange gave generous grants of the confiscated lands to his many followers. Lord Clare's estates were presented to the king's Dutch friend Joost Van Keppel (who) quickly sold on the land for ^310,000 to three Protestants from Co. Clare . . These Protestant families and others like them became the new land owners in Co. Clare and largely controlled the wealth of the county for the next century and a half.

James Frost gave a longer-term view on this as:A11

The lands of James' partisans were put up for sale by auction without further inquiry as to the degree of culpability of their several owners. The sale took place at Chichester House, Dublin, in 1703. All hope was now abandoned by these unfortunate Irish gentry. Many of them left their homes for foreign countries and there struggled to eke out a miserable existence in the army or navy. Some few attained to eminence as soldiers, statesmen, or diplomatists, but for the majority, the life on the continent was one of privation and hardship. Of those who remained at home the greater number sunk into the condition of peasants, and for a hundred years, under the baneful operation of the penal laws, led a life of slavery and degradation.

So the question that arises is: "By what means do we find our two wealthy Squire O'Gradys in 1800, of catholic religion and great prominence in Tulla and Kildysart, living very comfortably in the centre of the Clare battle-zone of the mid-1600s, when we might have expected that that would be forever impossible?" To understand the answer to that is to understand more of our O'Grady family history.

The Flight-Path to Cooga
The first clue to answering the above question comes from James Frost's final comment on the terrible period of Clare history outlined above: A12

In perusing the lists of those to whom the lands of Clare were granted under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, it will be noticed that the greater part of the county was given to the O'Briens and to those whom we have previously described as innocent papists.

The above comment can be easily demonstrated by referring to the "Book of Forfeitures and Distributions" for the Clondagad and Killadysert parishes in the Baronies of Islands and Clonderlaw resp.A13, A14 where the Earls of Thomond and Inchiquin need to be recognised as O'Brien family members, and noting that these two parishes were to be important in our subsequent O'Grady history. The message is clear, in that the noble families that remained loyal to the English throne were rewarded with large tracts of land that they could lease or sell-off, thereby generating a cash flow for those favoured few.

Because the Townland of Cooga in Killadysert parish is now the immediate destination for this leg of our current time-flight, it is relevant to record the entry made for Cooga from the above Book.

Townland Proprietors before 1641 To Whom Disposed of
Cooga, alias Lacknagalone Earl of Thomond;
& Mahone MacMahon
Donogh O'Brien; Teige MacMahon; (afterwards Robt. Harrison) & Earl of Thomond

The second clue comes from recognizing that through the above turmoil of that last 155 years of Irish history (1547-1702), none of our O'Grady family were ever much mentioned in any of that history. One Daniel O'Grady of Clonroad (near Ennis) was cited for not paying a debt to George Waters, an English immigrant merchant, in 1642A15. But in general, the O'Gradys stood mainly on the sidelines watching the tragedies unfold from the relative safety of Kilballyowen in Co. Limerick, to which they'd been driven back in the early 1300s. So with this happy accident of geography, plus their switching to the Anglican religion as part of the Agreement with Henry 8th in 1543, most of them had no reason whatsoever to get involved with the old catholic families of Clare in their fight for survival against the Cromwellian forces in the mid-1600s. As some "support" for this, we can look at the 1659 Census taken by PettyA16 where apart from 11 O'Grady families living in the original O'Grady Barony of Tulla, (ie around Tuamgraney) there were no other principal Grady or O'Grady families among the total of 2620 families living in the eight Baronies of Clare.

So we can send our timeship on a gentle arc from Tuamgraney in the 1540s, keeping about 20 km south of the Shannon River around to Kilballyowen in the first 15 years of the 1700s. We can fly over the O'Grady properties in Co. Limerick at Elton and The Grange and Cappercullen and Belmont occupied during this time, but in the distance to the north can see through our telescopes such fighting as the massacre of 850 catholic soldiers going on at Limerick Bridge in 1691, and other such atrocities in even earlier times in Clare. As we sweep around on this arc, the pedigree charts produced by our on-board databases also verify clearly the 'anglification' of our O'Gradys, firstly through their choice of marriage partners, and then in the names of their children which don't include any of the catholic names of Patrick, Michael, or Daniel, nor many of Bridget, Mary or Catherine. In addition to the Finucane chartA1 mentioned above for Thomas O'Grady's wedding, we see similar characteristics in the Kilballyowen O'Gradys and their important descendants such as the Guillamore O'GradysA17, as below. The chart originally sketched up by Inchiquin 13 in 1860,A18 really just shows the Brady family that "split" from the O'Grady line in the mid-1500s, but the same characteristics are present.

And as an aside for the benefit of our timeship's Antipodean passengers who gasp at the possibility of any family records being more than 250 years old, our on-line data shows interesting but elementary Irish pedigree information going back to the early centuries AD, and even beyond that from ancient writings to the times BC, as compiled by O'Hart.A19 Such records are truly amazing to us.

O'Hart used many sources to compile the information that appears in his major work. His principal sources were Gaelic genealogies, like those of O'Clery, MacFirbis and O'Farrell. Along with the Gaelic annals, especially the Annals of the Four Masters, O'Hart was able to 'reconstruct' the medieval and ancient pedigrees that appear here. He also used later sources, like the works of Burke, Collins, Harris, Lodge and Ware to extend these lineages into the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. But arguably the most important information contained in these genealogies came where O'Hart gathered the details directly from the families concerned, often from private papers or family tradition. These sections concern the later period, particularly post 1800, and are good for many specific localities like western Co. Clare.”

Likewise, the pedigrees of early Irish Kings named O'Brien is available and makes interesting perusal.A20

The third clue comes from recognizing that those land barons to whom the lands had been gifted could not generate an ongoing cashflow unless they had good tenants who could lease and farm their lands and sell their produce. So once the courts had finished their deliberations in 1703, and thus created certainty about land ownership, it became feasible and urgent to re-populate the county again so that organized agricultural production could resume. As recorded by Lewis 1837A21 the lands along the shore of the Fergus River and its estuary were the most fertile in Clare and so became prime targets for purchase or for tenancy, even back in the early 1700s. Cooga is in the middle of this area.

Bunratty barony, which includes the tract between this and the river Fergus, has in the north a large proportion of rocky ground, which is nevertheless tolerably productive, very luxuriant herbage springing up among the rocks, and affording pasturage for large flocks of sheep. The southern portion of this barony, adjoining the rivers Fergus and Shannon, contains some of the richest land in the county, both for tillage and pasturage ; the uplands of this district are also of a superior quality. . . .The barony of Islands, which joins Inchiquin on the south and Bunratty on the west, is chiefly composed on the western side of low moory mountain, but towards the east, approaching the town of Ennis and the river Fergus, it greatly improves, partaking of the same qualities of soil as Bunratty, and containing a portion of the corcasses.

Click on image for larger version

The fourth clue, and perhaps the most telling one for us, arises from note #70 appended by Frost to his reporting on the "Book of Forfeitures and Distributions",A22

"About the year 1712, the Earl of Thomond made leases for ever of the following lands:-- Cooga, Richd. Hearn, Thos. Grady, yearly rent, £330; Killadysert, Angel Scott, £330; Crovraghan, Sam. Weakly, £46."

As owner of the Cooga townlands in 1712, the Earl of Thomond could lease his lands to whomever he wished, but clearly would have had an historical incentive to avoid any query about whether or not they were made to Catholic tenants. Richard Hearn is clearly recognizable as being of English origins, but by making the second lease to Thomas Grady rather than to Thomas O'Grady, such concerns would be avoided without causing any ambiguity to Irishmen. However, we can be sure that the above two listed lessees were important men who moved in the Earl's circle, and could afford the rental. They would certainly have appreciated the boon given to them of good land at a very good rental, and as leaders in their community would have affirmed their loyalty to the Earl.

However, it becomes difficult to ascertain where the above Thomas O'Grady fits into the nobility of these times. Perusal of the Guillamore pedigreeA17 above, shows a Thomas Grady as being born around 1670 to Thomas O'Grady and Frances Anketell, with his father Thomas being the second son (probably) of Darby O'Grady and his mother from a "staunch Catholic family"A23 in Limerick. They all lived in the O'Grady estates at Kilballyowen in Limerick. The particular Thomas Grady (jun.) married Ellis Walsh in 1699, five years prior to his appointment in 1704 as Lord Thormond's Chief Rent Collector in Clare, as determined by Gerard MaddenA23. So this Thomas Grady (jun) is of the right generation, and in the right place near Lord Thomond, and in high position as a grandson of Darby O'Grady, to have been the lessee of the Cooga lands in 1712.

This is sufficiently close to the birthdate of Squire Daniel O'Grady of Cooga to speculate that he (Daniel) was in fact a lesser and unrecorded son of Thomas Grady (maybe even an extra-marital son) - noting that in our speculation he died in 1800 "at an advanced age", normally denoting above 85 years of age. It may also be noted from the pedigree chart that Darby O'Grady's wife, Faith Standish, was the source of the ongoing use of Standish in the naming of the Guillamore O'Gradys, AND that her father was the Englishman, Sir Thomas StandishA24 , whence seems to have come the first use of Thomas as a forename in the O'Grady line, too. As for this speculated father of our Squire Daniel#1 of Cooga, Madden's Chapter 13 records that this Thomas and his family went on to establish the well-reported noble O'Gradys of Rahan and Grange in co. Limerick, albeit with just two sons and "several daughters"A23. Perhaps with the great wealth that he accumulated (according to Madden), he had just enough economic space to recognize Daniel by giving him the leasehold of his Cooga lands which were far enough away from Kilballyowen as not to cause problems. This speculation is depicted in purple on the left-hand sides of both the Guillamore and the O'Keefe-Blake charts. Note that it can be seen from the Guillamore chart that our Thomas O'Grady was nine years older than Frederick O'Grady (Guillamore 6) and with the older ages of the two Daniel O'Gradys of Shorepark in having their children, accounts for the apparent one-generation difference between Thomas and Frederick.

The fifth and final clue comes from an inspection of the few available early demographic records for this area of Clare as we start to fly over the 1840's Fergus estuary and see the green pastures laid out on either side of the water, narrowing into the distance to become the silver ribbon of the Fergus river itself. Remembering from above that only 11 O'Grady families were recorded in the 1659 census, and those all concentrated in the Tulla barony, we find that in the 1826 TAB for all of Clare, there are 82 registrations for Grady and 37 for O'Grady (counting the minor variations around the use of an apostrophe), with more than half of each of those situated in the prime lands around the Fergus River. Then, in the 1855 GPV, there are 145 Grady and 26 O'Grady entries with the latter again having over 50% of their numbers in the Fergus-side regions. So clearly, a significant number of O'Grady people flooded into Clare after the 1700s had begun and took over much good land in the county - many of them dropping the O' prefix to their names to help their acceptance into the county hierarchy. By the time of the 1901 census, the forward documents show that there were 210 registrations for Grady people and 341 for O'Grady so seemingly many people will have switched their names back to the latter version in that meantime.

So we can now see the answer to the earlier question. After emigrating into Co.Clare and being given access to a large amount of prime land in Clare, and enjoying successful marriages of a number of sons to wealthy girls, and perhaps holding some ambivalence about their religion, these O'Grady family members were able to advance their wealth and status in co. Clare to become very prominent society members well into the 1830s. It does seem sad though, that within another 30 years, the main survivors from Squire Daniel O'Grady's family of Shorepark were only his de facto children, Thomas and Margaret who emigrated to NZ. And further that of Squire Thomas O'Grady's family in Tulla, neither of his sons married, and only his last daughter Ann had a family that survived. In the 21st century, we can be thankful that those from both families who did survive, evidently have survived well.

Appendix References
A1: Finucane Pedigree Chart, by Murtagh-Dannenberg-Murtagh 2013, after Morgan G.Finucane in and Lundy (NZ) in and NUI Galway in
A2: "Ancient Genealogy of O'Grady according to O'Hart", para 124,
A3: "O'Grady", para 1
A4: "Pernicious Political Institutions of the Irish",
A5: "Principal gentry of Thomond, 1585"
A6 "The History & Topography of the County of Clare", James Frost,
A7: "Merciless Rigour of Cromwell's Lieutenants",
A8: "Clare 1653",
A9: "Commissioners Orders",
A10: "The Jacobite Era 1685-1702", B.O'Dalaigh
A11: "Reign of William and Mary", 30 , final para.
A12: "Clare Grantees",
A13: "Clondagad Distributions",
A14: "Kildysart Distributions",
A15: "Depositions of Protestant Settlers, 1642 - Ennis", final para,
A16: "Petty's Census 1659",
A17: "Guillamore O'Grady Pedigree Chart",
A18: "Inchiquin 13 Pedigree for Bradys" MS14620, as in Brian Kirby, "Inchiquin Papers", p 21-24, Accession List No.143, NLI, 2009, (Accession 2395.)
A19: "Irish Pedigrees or the Origin and Stem of the Irish Nation" John O'Hart, and in the lower half of:
A20: "Irish Kings from 1023 to 1743 AD"
A21: "County Clare - A description in 1837", Samuel Lewis,
A22: Frost's Notes, para 70 of:
A23: "History of the O'Gradys of Clare and Limerick", by G.Madden, p 80 & 153
A24: From "The Peerage", by D.Lundy,

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